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.8 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed.H.R.Luard, RS 57 (London, 1872–83), 2, pp.185–86.For other references, see H.Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128–1291 (Leicester, 1993), p.83 n.21 (p.160).9 J.H.Pryor, ‘The Eracles and William of Tyre: an Interim Report’, in The Horns of Hattin, ed.B.Z.Kedar (Jerusalem and London, 1992), pp.276, 288–9.See also B.Hamilton,‘The Old French translation of William of Tyre as an historical source’, in The Experience of Crusading, vol.2, Defi ning the Crusader Kingdom, ed.P.W.Edbury and J.Phillips (Cambridge, 2003), pp.93–112.10 There are two nineteenth-century editions: L’Estoire de Eracles Empereur et la Conqueste de la Terre d’Outremer, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux, hereafter cited as RHC Occid., 1 (1844); Guillaume de Tyr et ses continuateurs: text français du XIIIe-siècle, ed.Paulin Paris (Paris, 1879–80).28The Hospitallers, the Mediterranean and Europethe groundwork for establishing a stemma.11 One result of this work has been the identifi cation of those manuscripts which preserve a text that is close to the original form of the translation and, on the basis of these fi ndings, I can now present my own critical edition of the French translation of William of Tyre’s book 20 chapter 30, which contains the greater part of the story of the murder.In an article published in 1973, Professor Jaroslav Folda provided the essential, up-to-date guide to the manuscripts,12 and, for the sake of simplicity, I am following his numbering: thus for example, the fi fth manuscript in his list will be referred to as F[olda]05.I should add that the preparation of this edition and the material for the discussion that follows has allowed me to test my hypotheses about the stemma and the nature of the manuscript tradition, and this paper consciously parallels another, similar paper in which I have edited and discussed the French text of William of Tyre’s book 12 chapter 7, the account of the founding of the Templar Order.13I have used as my base a text found in the Paris, BN, ms.fr.9081, fols.279r–280r (F05).This manuscript could well be the earliest extant copy with illuminations, and these have been dated to 1245–48 and ascribed to a Paris workshop.14 To establish the text I have collated it with six other manuscripts which appear to preserve an early form of the translation.These are:F02 Paris, BN, ms.fr.2627 (N.France: 15th century)F03 Paris, BN, ms.fr.2632 (Latin East or France: 1st half of 13th century) F04 Paris, BN, ms.fr.2826 (Latin East or France: 1st half of 13th century) F38 London, BL, Henry Yates Thompson ms.12 (England: mid-13th century) F41 Paris, BN, ms.fr.67 (N.France: 2nd half of 13th century)F52 Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, ms.142 (Paris: ca.1300 with additions ca.1340) Of the other 44 manuscripts, there is one (F66) that I have not been able to consult and four others (F01, F30, F63 and F71) that are damaged and lack the chapter in question.I have not thought it helpful to publish an apparatus detailing the variants to be found in the remaining manuscripts – such an undertaking would be extremely bulky and would not add signifi cantly to our understanding, although attention will be drawn to particular instances where later redactors have emended the text.All the manuscripts are listed in an appendix to this paper together with the foliation for this chapter.In William’s Latin text, what follows is book 20 chapter 30; in the French text, thanks to the merging of two earlier chapters in this book, it is numbered chapter 29.None of the seven manuscripts I have used to establish the text has a rubric; the 11 P.W.Edbury, ‘The French Translation of William of Tyre’s Historia: the manuscript tradition’, Crusades 6 (2007), 69–105.12 J.Folda, ‘Manuscripts of the History of Outremer by William of Tyre: a Handlist’, Scriptorium 27 (1973), 90–5.13 P.W.Edbury, ‘The Old French William of Tyre and the Origins of the Templars’, in N.Housley (ed.), Knighthoods of Christ: Essays on the History of the Crusades and the Knights Templar presented to Malcolm Barber (Ashgate, 2007), pp.151–64.14 J.Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, From the Third Crusade to the Fall of Acre, 1187–1291 (Cambridge, 2005), pp.217, 235–6.Peter W.Edbury29rubrics printed in the nineteenth-century editions are not translated from William’s Latin text, but represent accretions that belong to a later stage in the manuscript tradition.William of Tyre 20:30 (29)1 Li rois ot molt grant joie quant il oi ce message parler, et, si com il estoit bons crestiens et sages hom, il respondi mout debonerement que ja si grant chose et si haute emprise ne remanroit por la rente de.ii.m.besanz; car il estoit prez que il de ses propres rentes les asseist as Templiers en tel leu dont il se devroient bien tenir apaié.2 Apres ce retint le message une piece del tens avec lui por acomplir les couvenances qu’il demandoit; mout li fesoit bele chiere et grant heneur.3 Apres, quant tot fu acordé entre le roi et lui, il demanda congié et s’en parti por amener le Vieill et ses genz a fere de bon cuer ce qu’il avoient promis.4 Li rois li bailla conduit.5 Quant il orent passé Triple et cil estoit ja pres de son pais, ne sai quant Templier saillirent d’un guet et leur coururent sus les espees tretes
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